Global Youth: February 2013

Nairobi Skatespots: Uhuru Park

"An exploration of how skateboarding can have positive social implications at a civic level through its subversive social values and use of space."

-University paper by Imogen Humphris

Introduction.

Skateboarding has often been described historically as a subversive practice (Borden, 2001, Beal, 1993, Baker, 2004). Its application of surﬁng origins to public space triggered a heated discourse with the ‘complex social coding’ of the public realm (Merker, 2010). My personal experience as a BMX rider and anecdotal evidence (Humphris, 2011 a+b, Skatistan, 2010, The Land Of Plenty, 2011, Gross, 2010 a+b) points to the fact that such practices deemed ‘unruly’ (Mitchell, 2003) by society can have huge positive inﬂuences on both individuals involved and their wider socio spatial contexts.

The academic discourse of skateboarding meanwhile, is somewhat thin on the ground and studies of its capacity for social change even more insufﬁcient, save a few indirect explorations (Borden, 2001, Beal, 1993). But there is call for such research. Having been witness to a skateboard union that is bridging longstanding tribal tensions in Nairobi and a skate club in East London that is indirectly succeeding in tackling social issues such as youth drug dealing where other direct programs have failed, it is concerning to contemplate that they both have uncertain futures. Along with other such scenarios, they suffer either lack of support or external pressure. In Uganda, skateboarders also appear to be running out of funds to extend and maintain their only skatepark.

This small scale research occurred over two months with the aim of analytically exploring some of the perceptions of East London and Nairobi skateboarders in relation to positive social change. Based on a previous review of the research ﬁeld (Humphris, 2011,c) the study was set out with several aims. Firstly, based on discourse around guerrilla urbanism and questions of the right to public space (Hou, 2010, Merker 2010, Mitchell, 2003), it will explore how skateboarders’ subversive use of space offers a mechanism for social justice.

Secondly, having identiﬁed gaps in existing skateboarding research it will discuss the dynamics of internal relationships in skateboarding communities and their subsequent impact on the wider social context. And thirdly, the study aims to shed a contemporary light on existing research and introduce a Kenyan perspective into skateboarding discourse in contrast to those more established Western perspectives with their more extensive history of skateboarding.

Methodology

This research is guided by Berger and Luckman’s (1966) work, which asserts that ‘reality’ is shaped in the minds of human beings through continual interpretation and assignment of meaning to the events of everyday life. This study is therefore directed towards understanding the personal and collective experiences of skateboarders in the context of its research aims.

Data collection for this research focused around interviews of six skaters: three from East London and three from Nairobi. Those from East London were interviewed collectively in person while the Kenyan skaters were either interviewed individually over Skype or Facebook depending on circumstances. These interviews were then transcribed and analysed for themes around which discussion could develop.

Outline Plan.

The interview design was informed by qualitative research guidance in ‘Real World

Research’ (Robson, 2002). Collective interviews were arranged where possible to encourage participants to develop ideas between one another. It was decided that interviews should follow a semi-structured approach reﬂecting the informal conversations I had had with some of the participants before but allowing me to draw up and agenda of what I wanted to know. The formation of questions progressed from easy warm up questions about the history of their practice and progressed to more complex questions exploring attitudes and values. Though I had an agenda for every interview I often found that it was used as more of a checklist than a sequence as I allowed the conversation to take its natural course, asking questions when they felt appropriate to the context. A dictaphone was used to record which allowed me to focus more on facilitating the conversation and less on taking notes.

Once the interviews had taken place, the sound recordings were uploaded and transcribed using ExpressScribe. While this was a lengthy process, I was able to analyze the discussion as I typed and begin to draw out themes. These themes were noted alongside the transcription documents in Mac Pages with further thoughts and analysis. This was followed by a process of comparing and collating themes around which further discussion was developed. These themes have formed the sub headings of the data chapter.

Participants.

The interviewees were gathered via existing personal contacts within skateboarding communities. Here Facebook proved to be a useful networking tool allowing me to reach further participants. It’s worth noting that the open and communal nature of the skateboarding and BMX community (as discussed in the study) and my personal participation within the community helped considerably when approaching participants.

Conducting the research

While a clear methodology was developed, several challenges arose in its execution.

Though the obvious issue of living over 5000 miles away from half of the interviewees was overcome using Skype, conversations proved difficult transcribe and the sound quality was poor. Kenyan internet quality also proved difﬁcult. Two interviews were rearranged while I was unable to maintain a good enough connection for video calling with one participant and so resorted to written questions and answers using Facebook. This did, of course, change the quality of responses as F became less instantaneous and more considered and visionary in his reply.

It is also important that I acknowledge my own personal inﬂuence on the collection and interpretation of data. As a BMX rider, I have naturally formed my own opinions and could not be completely neutral in my approach. As such the collection and analysis of the data was not absolute but instead interpreted through the lens of my own experiences. On reﬂection, some of my questioning may have been slightly biased in the direction of my own views. On the other hand, my personal experience undoubtedly aided my understanding of concepts that the skateboarders expressed during the interviews and the process has lead me to reconsider some of my personal perceptions of riding. My personal friendships with some of the skaters would have also affected the data collection. Though I restricted my input into the conversation during the interviews, some of the issues discussed related to ideas we had previously developed thoughts around in conversation together.

A signiﬁcant challenge faced concerned the volume of data collected. Though only four live interviews were conducted, some of these lasted more than forty minutes. This proved to be a huge collection of data which made transcription, analysis and the collection of themes difficult within the timeframe. As a result I was unable to fully transcribe interview with O. Instead I chose only to transcribe the part which was most relevant to the study.

Ethics

The nature of the research was explained in detail to all interviewees and in the light of this all gave their verbal consent to be interviewed. In line with the conditions under which interviewee contacts were established (explained in ‘Participants’), formal consent forms were not completed as it was felt this would change the nature of the relationship between the interviewer and the interviewees.

The interviews were conducted in conﬁdentiality and the voice recordings have been saved on a password protected computer for the duration of the project. After the project is complete, they will be deleted. Data

Subversion and the Positive Construction of Identity

Identity is often included in discussions of skateboarding (Borden, 2001, Beal, 1996) as it appears signiﬁcant in external projections of the practice. Indeed, identity does seem to be highly valued by many skateboarders, often associating a large part of their identity with the practice. There is often an apparent conscious decision to reject mainstream identities as one interviewee asserts: ‘I never liked anything common’ (O, 2011) and F states: ‘I don't like the idea of being average, you know what it means here is go to school, get a job, marry, have children then die’ (F, 2011). Naturally, this perceived ‘difference’ is often seems to be embraced as a beneﬁcial aspect of their identity more than a restrictive one and sometimes even strategically exploited within wider society. A and T discuss how they see their alternative identity attract support and funding from the local council, while L illustrates how he felt attention gained from such identity could often be used to establish a civic voice. These issues of civic engagement will be discussed in further detail in the Negotiating Civic Society and the Public Realm chapter.

But, over the past two centuries, such subcultural identities have been exploited by

Western media as A expresses: ‘it’s all grown to the point where it’s on like ﬂippin’ Frosties adverts, do you know what I mean?’ (ATJ, 2011). This high street ‘skateboarding fetish’ has resulted in the paradoxical process of rationalising, projecting and mainstreaming subculture. These fashionable identities offered by high street brands, video games, the ﬁlm industry (in fact almost every aspect of consumer life) do appear to attract many to take up skateboarding. This seems particularly so in Kenya where so few practice and skateboards themselves are hard to come by thus rarely owned among children (L, 2011,

O, 2011, F, 2011). However, in practice, skateboarding seemingly rejects the idea of signing up to an alternative stereotype and instead promotes a continual questioning and exploration of ones own identity. O (2011) apparently attributes much value to such freedom:

“I’m more of just an individual person. I just do random things like I’m a skateboarder studying medicine; you don’t really hear many of those. Um, I love painting too at the same time. So it’s just- it’s all about what I want, no rules or stereotypes.”

Evidently, there appears to be signiﬁcant contradiction between popularized, external images of skateboarding and the attitudes of identity in practice. As A suggests above, most skaters seems to be aware of this and can make references to such images satirically. This research does not intend to paint an unrealistic, rose tinted portrayal of skateboarding. The process of entering into such cultures can be a challenging experience; an acclimatisation from external perceptions of skateboarding identity to the underlying values of identity in practice. This is particularly acute in my own experience as a female BMX rider.

A and T, in East London, argue that such opportunities to break away from mainstream culture have relevance to wider social contexts. They emphasize the need, particularly for young people to feel free to ‘be a kid’ and not feel pressured by expectations to fulﬁll adult roles (ATJ, 2011). The subversion from social expectations of the path to adulthood is typically portrayed in a negative light and habitually associated with a lack of participation in society. But Brown (2008, 2009) argues that the socially accepted progression to adolescence involves a loss of the valuable freedom to play and create. Instead we begin to agonize over the judgment of others which hampers our capacity to explore open possibilities. Ken Robinson (2011) also writes much over the desperate need to reverse such trends and reconnect individuals with their own creativity. Skateboarding’s capacity for creative reawakening can also be found in the ambitions, as described by L (2011) and

Uganda Skateboard Union (Gross, 2010 a+b), of developing ones own expressive ‘style’ of skating.

But the ‘identity-shifting’ power of skateboarding appears to extend further than this, having signiﬁcant impact in communities where young people often follow others into a gang mentality for need of youth identity and self-assertion within society. A and T describe their own observation of individuals transforming aggressive identities through skateboarding:

‘We’d get like gang kids coming over, like T says at the beginning like ‘what’s this fucking’ skateboard, BMX track?’ to the point where it’s just like ah wow this is actually pretty fun like,

I just jumped’ do you know what I mean? ‘I just went up that ramp’ you know? And then they’re kids again and they’re not concerned about going and doing, you know, like robbin’ or selling their weed or whatever and a couple of kids even to the point where they start dressing differently’ (A, T, J, 2011)

The subversion of mainstream expectations of identity seems to go hand in hand with a culture of open possibility. It is evident that the subversive values of skateboarding give birth to a freedom to explore, challenge and create, unfettered by mainstream expectations, kindling notions of self-choice and self-actualization.

Subversion and the Call for Unity.

‘[Just like in any society in like the world, whenever it’s a small group of people that are sort of different from everybody else it sort of brings them closer... If you played basketball and you just found someone else playing basketball you can’t go spend a night at their house like we used to.’ (O, 2011)

It is an unfortunate refection of society that individual, subversive behavior is normally considered either criminal or psychiatric. Of Western history, Mitchell (2003) writes: ‘by

deﬁnition, excluded peoples were irrational and disorderly’. It is in this light that the

diversion from social norms that skateboarding encompasses seem be particularly challenging. This is more acutely demonstrated in Kenya where few skaters exist and many begin their interest alone. L (2011) describes his ﬁrst experience of simply being in public with his board:

‘I was so afraid bringing it to school... So that was very big because I have to go on a bus and carry my board. People were staring at me from when I got out of the house to when I got to school.’

Naturally as skateboarding has emerged so too has there been an apparent rise in concepts of community and solidarity.

Though it is the public display of subversion that seems to pose great challenge to L here,

it appears that it is also the public realm that provides the context in which skateboarders are able to unite in common values. L also depicts a ten minute chase through Nairobi to catch and meet a passing skateboarder (L, 2011). Discussions suggested that it is often the commonality of desirable space (of which there are many complex physical and social conditions) that bring skaters together. It seems as though often the presence of just a handful practicing in public space can have a gravitational pull on others in the area, as A illustrates: ‘everybody came out the woodwork and everybody heard that there's like, there's a good place to ride down in Leytonstone’ (A,T, J, 2011). Spaces become redeﬁned as gathering points and named appropriately within the skating community. In London, A and T depict the open and communal nature of skateboarding as enabling a spatial mobility, defying territorial boundaries:

‘The problem with like, a lot of the kids around here, because you got the whole postcode thing, it’s ‘oh I’m from Leytonstone, I can’t go down to Wathamstow’ because there’s a skatepark in Walthamstow... And fair enough, it might not be as good but it’s different, you know. And the point is like, ‘get out and experience some different things and you’re gunna expand your mind a little bit more and you know, you will be a different person’.’ (A, T, J,

2011)

Skateboarding and the relaxed attitude of creating relationships with one another around mutual interest in practice enables individuals to attribute meaning and value to spaces beyond their local context. This is particularly signiﬁcant in London where territorial tensions are high as discussed in the wake of the August 2011 riots (McVeigh, 2011).

The use of space to unite skateboarders also applies to digital space. A rise in web 2.0 use in recent years has enabled many to tap into local skateboarding networks and a multitude of events are now organized online. Again, L (2011) describes how this has been vitally

important to Kenya’s ﬁrst generation of skateboarders where the handful that practice are

spread over a wide area of the country. It should be emphasised, however, that the sharing

of physical space is priori for building relationships.

Skateboarding also embraces a positive attitude of learning and progression in practice.

Again, it is important to recognize that such values also seem to reject mainstream perceptions of learning: ‘people just learn how they wanna learn. There’s no schedule, there’s no, sort of performance rating, there’s no- all that sort of bullshit.’ (ATJ, 2011). As Borden (2001) states, such rejection of mainstream habits of measuring progress collectively and rather emphasising values of individual learning reinforces the building of relationships across ethnic, economic and age divides. Admiration for personal progression seems to kindle valuable concepts of mentoring as many of those interviewed expressed: ‘one of the guys volunteered to show me how to do it. He was called Ru. He taught me how to ollie and do stuff. And we became good friends with them and we started riding regularly.’ (L, 2011) ‘there was one guy that I used to- that I remember he was- used to skate around with a couple of time and he was like miles ahead of me like ability wise but if I do something that

I’d never done before, man he’d be like tappin’ his board and screamin’ and shoutin’ like I’d just done the most amazing trick in the world. It’s like ‘oh wow, that’s sick: this guy is better than me but he’s showing me appreciation and stuff’.’ (A in ATJ, 2011)

Skateboarders frequently generate excitement within the group as they encourage an individual to land a new trick or push themselves the edge of their ability. Beal (1993) also

ﬁnds a distinctive absence of competitive attitude and that such excitement is seldom expressed as means of ‘socially bettering themselves’. As illustrated by A above, the mutual support from skateboarders of varying ability and age appears to have helped foster signiﬁcant self conﬁdence in him as a young person. It’s difﬁcult to see such a culture of support in popular aspects of society. T (T in ATJ, 2011) also discusses the extended value of building such relationships:

‘You know what that’s probably like the most positive that I’ve seen because I never got out when I was a kid. Like I had my mates like people who I knew, my next door neighbours. You know, it was those sort of people who were seers, mentors. You know like I’d go out, have fun with them and then they’d show me all these little places. They’d take me to these places and I’d be like ‘wow!’

This sense of community is described by skateboarders as the ‘scene’. A expresses how he sees its ability to attract youth that are often marginalised from society has some interesting parallels to that of gang culture:

‘[The scene is like a family isn’t it? Do you know what I mean? And I guess it’s kinda like, that’s where they kind of like have this gang mentality of just like that’s why these kids are in gangs. It’s because they haven’t got a family so, you know ‘this is a group of people that looks after me and treats me how I want to be treated, you know, like my family should be treating me’’(ATJ, 2011)

While the underlying motives for attraction may be similar, the outcomes of skateboarding are, of course, very different. Rize (2005) reﬂects a similar reality with an emerging dance subculture in the streets of South Central, Los Angeles. The comparison with this ﬁlm is particularly pertinent in the context of the recent August 2011 London riots.

In tandem with receiving the mentoring of older skaters, as they progress, some of those interviewed seemed to feel the responsibility to perpetuate the positive atmosphere in which they learnt and mentor successive new skaters (ATJ, 2011, L, 2011, jook113, 2009).

L (2011) describes how he feels this attitude of union allows the skateboarding community in Nairobi to embrace an openness with one another and discussion often expands without prompt beyond their practice to issues of economy, development and even sexual health.

Perhaps skateboarding could be included in Merker’s term, ‘Generous Urbanism’ (Merker,

2010): an urban development practice that transcends traditional forms of urbanism that seldom support the forming of relationships between strangers outside of commercial interactions. The friendship building attitudes of skateboarders extends to a global culture of skateboarding which has the capacity to counter key urban social issues at a local level. As T describes: ‘I’ve travelled to places that I would not have been to, you know? I’ve met people who I wouldn’t have spoken to... it’s such a rare thing’ (T in ATJ, 2011).

Negotiation of Civic Society and the Public Realm

Not only does skateboarding inherently occur in the public realm, but its practice is concerned with the questioning and ‘reconstructing’ of space (Borden, 2001). Therefore, by challenging some of the underlying doxa of civic society and its creation of space, skateboarding, by default, engages in dialogue with it.

As previous chapters have illustrated, the action of challenging the functions of civic society can be empowering and build the sort of political assets that Sanderson describes

(2000). It was apparent that the skaters interviewed had developed an advanced understanding of the dynamic functioning of their surrounding cityscapes through practice. Not only did they seem to have acute awareness of the types of urban development that produce (both physically and socially) the type of desirable space they require, but L (2011) also seemed to suggest an awareness of the temporal changes that create them. Skateboarding communities frequently make physical alterations to space from relatively small interventions such as the application of wax to a skatable ledge, to small, temporal creations as A describes: ‘we just, kind of, hacksawed out all the kind of shopping trolley parks and stuff and cemented them in the ground and made rails and doing the classic like plywood up a bin sort of style’. This can even extend to large scale builds as described in Humphris (2011, a), Borden (2001), Baker (2004) and

deantirkot (2011).

Such an engagement with the public realm embodies a critique of its creation. But the skaters interviewed, particularly those in East London (ATJ, 2011), also demonstrated considerable literal understanding of governance mechanisms. Some skaters often ﬁnd themselves directly engaged with local governance and initiating much needed discussions around the right to space in the city. This unusually high civic activeness is seldom recognised in popular images of skateboarding. It seems to logically evolve from a culture of proactive intervention in the public realm as A and T suggested a level of care, ownership and even territoriality that they attributed to the space they created. They describe how their occupancy of the Pioneer Car Park transformed a previously abandoned site and attracted the attention of a local councillor. This subsequently led to their now long established skate club teaching young people in the borough.

When discussing formal structures of governance, there were notable differences between the attitudes and experiences of those in East London and Nairobi. As is commonly expected in popular images of such a subculture, the skaters in East London initially perceived their local council and its intentions with suspicion and disfavor shadowed by concern that their values would be misunderstood or ignored all together and their space reclaimed in favor of ‘civic order’. As Mitchell (2003) states: “The exclusion of violence from public space has often been simply the exclusion of the ‘unruly’- those who are a priori deﬁned as illegitimate and thus threatening to the existing order’. However, after the slow emergence of personal relationships with a patient and open young councillor, a mutually agreeable partnership was formed. In Nairobi, the situation appeared to be somewhat reversed. Many of the Nairobi skaters appeared keen to engage in civic society, going to great length to form an organisation recognised by the government . L (2011) explains how such an organisation has empowered them to widen their movement and further the social beneﬁts discussed above. Establishing legitimacy- both as skateboarders within Kenyan society and as a nation within the global skateboarding community - seemed to be of high importance to them (L, 2011, O, 2011, F, 2011). This can also be seen in their use of terms such as ‘sport’, ‘pro’ and ‘compete’ in contrast to A’s statement in

London: ‘It’s not that we’re getting people to be skateboarders so they can be the next

Tony Hawk [professional skateboarder]’. This contrasting attitude is hardly surprising considering their minority status as discussed in the previous chapter. However this desire for legitimacy should not be misinterpreted as a compromise of subversive values (as

Borden (2001) suggests with his analysis of American and British skateboarding industries), rather just one facet of such grass roots mobilization, bypassing parental/ social acceptance and the universal ‘wait their turn’ (Murray, 2011) youth policy of governance.

Oxfam defines of civic society as ‘the sphere in which social movements become organized’ (Eade, 2003) but, while there are organizational aspects to skateboarding, much of the value that skateboarding contributes to civic society -intended or unintended- and it’s capacity to ﬂourish in corners of society otherwise excluded seems to occur through a distinct and valued absence of formal ‘organization’ (L, 2011,ATJ, 2011). Mitchell also argues that ‘[b]eing ‘unruly’ is often a prerequisite for getting heard at all: mere speech is not enough’ (2003). Our traditionally rigid structure of what denotes civil society is excluding many subversive groups that not only have vast, intimate, on-the-ground knowledge of phenomena in the city but are also dynamic, active forces within civic societies. Even notions of social capital (which have been so in-vogue with policy makers of late) do not comprehend the modes in which skateboarders engage in and contribute to civic society (Weller, 2006). To overlook the positive contribution that subversive groups make to development is to not fully understand the functioning of civic societies.

Conclusion.

Throughout the interviews with skateboarders from East London and Nairobi, skateboarding can be seen to be contributing to social change in a very organic way, free from policy making and ‘plans of action’. Here change seems to emerge through channels that have meaning to those involved. These channels are informal, chaotic and embody what Mitchell (2003) would describe as the ‘openness and messy risks of street politics’. If such subversive groups do hold the capacity to effect social issues, it is possible to see them as agents for further social change. The question that calls for wider discussion is how to partner with such collectives who’s positive impact is fueled by a subversion of authority? Our assumption that functional civic society requires order, rationality and speciﬁc forms of organisation is deeply ingrained and overwhelming. Here in the UK, the fourth coming localism bill proposes to ‘disperse power more widely in Britain’ (Department for Communities and Local Government, 2011). A seemingly worthy cause and an idea that has been widely welcomed in the House of Commons. But it is envisaged that this will be realized via a rationalized perception of civic society: constituted of organized and agreeable entities. Even many international aid agencies seem to attribute partnership with local Community Based Organizations with virtuous signs of community participation.

Unless we radically broaden our perception of what constitutes civic society, we risk falling into the mainstreaming trap of rationalising, ‘turn[ing] it all into something we do understand’ Hamdi (2004) and failing to implement strategies of development that promote equality and long term sustainability. However, recognition of the knowledge that subcultures such as skateboarding can hold and their potential capacity to effect social change is a significant step in the right direction.

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