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Sunday, 26 October 2014

DEMOCRACY AND DEVELOPMENT

Outline
  1. What is Democracy?
  2. Do the institutions of electoral democracy facilitate or impede development?
  3. Is there a demonstrable correlation between the attributes of democracy and the attributes of effective economic development?
  4. Positive correlation between Democracy and Development
  5. Why Democracies excel

What is Democracy?
Intrinsically, it is a necessary component of the ability of individuals to live freely and autonomously.
Instrumentally, it is an institutional guarantee that the policies and laws created by a government will have a reasonable fit with the fundamental interests of the people.
Thus democracy is a central determinant of the quality of life, and a central element in the ability of men and women to live freely and autonomously as human beings. This is no less so in poor and developing countries than it is in the North and the West.
A true democracy cannot be restricted to this institutional framework alone. It also needs to be embodied in a culture, a state of mind that fosters tolerance and respect for other people, as well as pluralism, equilibrium and dialogue between the forces that make up a society.
Unlike traditional conceptions, which are exclusively restricted to the domain of the State, the concept of democratic culture requires all social, financial, governmental and non-governmental actors, as well as the relationship which links or separates them, to be taken into account.
Tenets of normative democratic theory
All adult members of the collectivity ought to have the status of citizens (that is, there ought to be no restriction in political rights for different groups of people within the polity; universal citizenship principle).
All citizens ought to have the broadest set of political rights and liberties possible, compatible with the extension of equal rights to all (that is, there ought to be full equality and the broadest possible liberty for all citizens; the liberty principle and the equality principle).
Legislation ought to reflect the principle of the sovereignty of the people. When and where legislation is required, it ought to result from a process which involves the meaningful expression of interest and preference by all citizens (popular sovereignty principle).
The legislative process ought to weight no individual’s or group’s preferences more heavily than those of any other individual or group (equal weight principle).
Finally, a democratic society is one that is fully subject to the rule of law: legislation rather than personal authority produces limitations on individual liberty, and legislation is neutral across persons (legality principle).
Do the institutions of electoral democracy facilitate or impede development?
Samuel Huntington characterizes the debate in terms of “conflict” and “compatibility” theorists (Huntington and Harvard University. Center for International Affairs. 1968).
Conflict theory
Development requires decisive policy choice and effective policy implementation; authoritarian regimes are more decisive and more effective in implementing policy.
Ethnic and sub-national conflicts interfere with economic development, and are most effectively suppressed by strong authoritarian government.
Authoritarian governments are more able to effectively defer consumption in favor of savings. Democratic regimes are under a political imperative to increase social welfare spending, which reduces the rate of accumulation.
Democracy undermines investment (Huntington and Dominguez 1975).
Compatibility Theory
Progressive development requires policy choices that lead to a development pathway that produces a wide distribution of the benefits of growth; democratic regimes are more effective at producing wide distribution of benefits (because of the strong tendency of authoritarian regimes to structure economic activity towards “rent-seeking” activities, enrichment of the ruling circle, and widespread corruption).
democratic regimes are less prone to corruption and rent-seeking; they are less “predatory”.
Is there a demonstrable correlation between the attributes of democracy and the attributes of effective economic development?
A large number of empirical studies have been undertaken to investigate this question. However, the empirical case is suggestive but inconclusive. The data support some optimism in support of the “compatibility” theory: that democratic institutions have a net positive effect on economic development.
However, the association is empirically weak, and there are a number of counter-examples in both directions: authoritarian regimes that have a good development record (e.g. China, Singapore and Malaysia), and democratic regimes that have weak development records (e.g. many states in sub-Saharan Africa).
Positive correlation between Democracy and Development
Globally, economic growth among democracies has been more than 25% as rapid as growth in autocracies, on average, for each of the past four decades (based on independent indices of democracy). Even among low-income countries, democracies have on average attained rates of per capita GDP growth equivalent to their autocratic counterparts.
Considering the measures of social well-being, the performance of developing country democracies is distinguished still further. Citizens in developing country democracies have life expectancies that are nine years longer, infant mortality rates that are 20% lower, secondary school attainment levels that are 40% higher, fertility rates that are 30% lower, and cereal yields 25% greater, on average, than those in autocracies at comparable income levels.
The strong showing by democracies cannot be attributed to greater resource availability. Democracies do not run-up higher fiscal deficits nor do they receive higher levels of aid. Rather, processes internal to democratic systems appear to be responsible for their performance.
One such characteristic is democracies’ ability to mitigate against catastrophe. Democracies rarely let the bottom drop out of their economies. If we consider the 80 worst annual economic performances on record since 1960, only five have occurred under democracies.
Stated differently, developing country democracies have been 70% less likely to experience a sharp contraction in their annual economic output (i.e. a drop of 10% of GDP) as have developing country autocracies.
Of those democracies that did experience such an economic disaster, two-thirds were countries that had just transitioned from communist economies in the 1990s.
Autocratic propensity to catastrophe is even more evident in the humanitarian arena. The source of nearly all of the world’s refugees and displaced persons are autocratic governments. Ranking the world’s worst refugee crises since 1980 by volume, one must go up to #88 to find one in which the country of origin was other than an autocratic government – Sierra Leone in 1997.
The close link between disaster and autocratic government is consistent with an observation made by Nobel laureate Amartya Sen that there has never been a major famine in a country with a democracy and a free press.
A key “secret” of democracies’ developmental success, therefore, is their relative ability to avoid catastrophe. Given the tenuous (fragile)existence facing most communities living in poverty, a system that reduces volatility is a major benefit.
Moreover, by not having to constantly dig out of the holes caused by sharp contractions, democracies are better able to accumulate assets from year to year. As with a savings account, it is the sustained gains that, when compounded, create prosperity.
Another often heard concern is that democratic competition can accentuate fissures/divisions in a society leading to civil strife and undercutting economic development. This is intuitively compelling. One need not think too hard to envision opportunistic politicians playing up ethnic cleavages for short-term political gain, only to have the situation spiral out of control.
While these risks are real, historical experience shows that democratizers are no more conflict prone than other developing countries. Controlling for income is key. Poverty is the single most powerful factor predicting conflict, (which today nearly always means civil conflict).
Since 1980, countries with per capita incomes below $2,000 have been in armed conflict one year out of five. Countries with per capita incomes above $4,000, in contrast, have experienced conflict only one year out of 33. After controlling for income, democratizers have actually been slightly less conflict prone than other developing countries.
Infant mortality rates under Africa’s semi-autocratic and autocratic governments, in contrast, have been mostly stagnant, posting median changes of only 2.4 percent and nil, respectively, since 1990. In other words, the vast majority of citizens in autocratically-governed countries such as Gabon, Cameroon, Congo, Swaziland, Zimbabwe, and Angola have seen little of no improvement in their standards of living.
African democracies are also much more likely to avoid other forms of instability – famine, conflict, and refugee crises. Illustratively, democratizers are the source of less than 12 percent of Africa’s refugees; consolidating democracies comprise a fraction of a percent.
Where conflicts in the region persist, they are disproportionately represented by countries in the autocratic or semi-authoritarian categories. 
In Africa, the move towards democracy has varied greatly. Roughly a quarter of Africa’s 48 states can now be considered consolidating democracies. Another quarter are demonstrably on a democratic path. However, the other half of African states remain somewhere on the autocratic side of the governance spectrum. Africa’s economic and social progress of the past decade closely mirrors this divergence in political liberalization.
Since the mid-1990s, Africa’s democracies and democratizers have realized median aggregate increases in per capita income of 15 percent. Autocratic and semi-autocratic governments, in comparison, have experienced an average seven percent expansion in incomes during this time. This includes the largely oil-driven growth gains of countries such as Sudan, Cameroon, Gabon, Angola, and Equatorial Guinea, (which has experienced a five-fold economic expansion since 1995).
The steady economic growth in Africa’s democracies translates into improved living conditions for their citizens. Infant mortality rates, a proxy for many other measures of well-being, have declined by 18 percent among consolidating democracies since 1990, on average. Democratizers have also seen a commendable 14 percent average improvement in infant deaths during the past 15 years.
WHY DEMOCRACIES EXCEL
1.Shared power
  A president or head of state must gain the support of key members of his or her party, cabinet, legislature, and at times judiciary before a favored policy can be pursued. In addition to these formal checks and balances, input from civil society also influences the outcome. Together, these mechanisms of horizontal accountability moderate decision-making in democracies.
  They also curb patronage, thereby   improving the probability that funding   allocations and hiring are based on merit   rather than allegiances. Periodic elections,   meanwhile, provide a clear incentive for   democratic leaders to be responsive to the   interests of the general public lest they be   voted out of office.
2. Openness
   The greater access to information in open societies fosters more informed policy debate and analysis before decisions are taken. Leaders are compelled to respond to information and opinions they might otherwise prefer to ignore. At the least, such a process helps weed out the most egregious aspects of a policy before it is implemented – avoiding some of the disasters that insulated decision-making processes produce.
The process of debate also serves an educational purpose. Citizens gain a better appreciation for the trade-offs involved and will tend to be more supportive of a policy once it has been adopted. During implementation, a policy’s effects are closely scrutinized by opposition parties, the media, think tanks, and independent observers. Should the policy prove ineffectual, citizens will hear of it – and leaders will be obliged to take corrective measures.
In times of crisis, such as an impending famine, the ability of the press to report on the deteriorating situation serves as an indispensable early warning system. The resulting pressure on the government to take urgent action helps mitigate against catastrophe. In societies that lack this feedback mechanism, crises can develop without citizens outside of the affected area even knowing about it, leaving leaders little imperative to act.
Democracies’ openness also has direct benefits for economic efficiency. Markets in which buyers have access to independent sources of information generate greater confidence and competitive prices.
Markets in which objective analysis is constrained are distrusted and investment withheld.
The greater transparency of open societies, furthermore, is an indispensable factor in curbing corruption – a major impediment to development.
3. Adaptable
    Political competition gives leaders ongoing incentives to identify new ideas that will address public priorities. As circumstances change, policies are adapted accordingly. Democracies, thus, are in a perpetual process of realignment. If a given set of leaders fails to fathom an appropriate course forward, the self-correcting nature of democracies prompts their replacement with others who will bring a fresh set of assumptions and strategies
In short, democracies are not guaranteed of getting it right. They do, however, guarantee the right to keep changing until they do. Ineffectual leaders need not drag down the entire country indefinitely. Indeed, the ability of democracies to systematically change leaders may be the single greatest reason for their stability.
In brief, democracies tend to attain economic progress because, on the whole, they do a far better job of creating mechanisms of accountability than other governance systems. It is democracy’s recognition of protected private space that underlines its greater support for property rights and expropriation protections.
It is democracy’s premise that all citizens, including the head of state, are subject to the law that gives a foundation to the rule of law. It is democracy’s openness that:
provides the vehicle for policy debate,
puts pressure on political leaders to reverse ineffective policies,
exposes deviations from the law, and
shines the light of transparency on corruption.

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